DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO
Overview
Central Africa is home to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Known by its official name, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the nation is landlocked save for its 25-mile (40-kilometer) Atlantic Ocean coastline. Only Algeria is bigger than it, making it the continent's second largest nation. Kinshasa, the capital, is situated on the Congo River around 320 miles (515 kilometers) from the river's mouth. It is the nation's official administrative, economic, and cultural hub and is the biggest metropolis in central Africa. To differentiate it from the other Congo republic, which is formally known as the Republic of the Congo and is sometimes referred to as Congo (Brazzaville), the country is frequently referred to by its acronym, the DRC, or Congo (Kinshasa), with the capital appended parenthetically.
In 1960, Congo became independent of Belgium. In order to give the nation what he believed to be a more authentically African name, then-ruler Gen. Mobutu Sese Seko changed the country's official name from 1971 to 1997 to the Republic of Zaire. Like the country's current name, "Zaire" is a version of a term that means "great river" in indigenous African languages. It refers to the Congo River, which empties a sizable basin that is primarily located within the republic. In contrast to Zaire, Congo's name dates back to the colonial era, when Europeans mistakenly believed the river to be the home of the Kongo people, who inhabited the area around its mouth. The Democratic Republic of the Congo, the name used before 1971, was restored after Mobutu was overthrown in 1997. After that, Congo was engulfed in a catastrophic civil war, which came to a formal end in 2003 but which still raged in the country's east.
Natural resources are abundant in the Congo. It has one of Africa's largest forest reserves, substantial hydroelectric potential, and enormous amounts of industrial diamonds, cobalt, and copper.
The History of Democratic Republic of Congo
A complex pattern of historical forces produced the nation that started as a king's private domain (the Congo Free State), grew into a colony (the Belgian Congo), gained independence in 1960 (as the Republic of the Congo), and then changed its name multiple times (to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, then to Zaire, and back to the Democratic Republic of the Congo). others can be linked to the precolonial history, others to the colonial era, and some to the political upheavals that ensued after independence. They have all influenced Congolese societies in one way or another.
Precolonial viewpoints
Congolese societies had already undergone significant upheavals prior to the colonial era's drastic changes. In the southern savanna region, a number of significant state systems developed between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. The Luba-Lunda principalities in the east and the Kongo kingdom in the west were the most significant. They established complex governmental structures supported by both militaries might and symbolic kingship. Through local clan heads or nominated chiefs, authority was transferred from the capital to the surrounding districts. However, civil unrest frequently resulted from competition for the throne, and new sources of instability impacted regional politics as the slave trade grew.
For instance, the 16th-century history of the Kongo peoples mostly tells the tale of how the Atlantic slave trade gave provincial leaders strong vested interests that eventually weakened the kingdom's ability to fend off neighboring encroachments. The Imbangala (known as Jaga in modern sources), groups of warriors escaping starvation and drought in the east, had nearly overrun the kingdom by the late 16th century. Two centuries later, political structures between the Lunda and the Luba were similarly weakened by fragmentation, and this was followed by invasions by outsiders who wanted to control the ivory and slave trade.
The very differing natural conditions in the tropical jungle created significant barriers to the establishment of states. The norm was small-scale societies divided into village communities. The predominant kind of organization was developed by corporate organizations that combined social and economic functions among limited numbers of linked and unrelated individuals. Gift-giving and trade were the means of exchange. These social exchanges eventually promoted cultural uniformity among previously disparate cultures, including Pygmy and Bantu populations.
The Pygmy clientele who brought their crafts and abilities to Bantu tribes were assimilated and intermarried. The highly centralized state structures of the savanna kingdoms, which were far better at operating in unison than the divided societies in the tropical rainforest, contrast sharply with this preponderance of house and village organization. The tropical rainforest civilizations' divided structure made it more difficult for them to fend off a full-scale colonial invasion.
Internal raids and wars that followed the slave trade, the increased destruction inflicted on African kingdoms when those forces began using increasingly advanced firearms, and the divisions between those who resisted and those who cooperated with outsiders all contributed to the deterioration of resistance to colonial forces in the savanna region. The scale of previous upheavals is demonstrated by the relative ease with which these Congolese societies submitted to European occupation.
The Congo Estate
The acquisition of the vast territory that would become his personal fief was initiated by King Leopold II of Belgium. When British journalist and explorer Henry Morton Stanley explored the Congo River between 1874 and 1877, the king became interested in the area. Leopold established the Committee for Studies of the Upper Congo (Comité d’Études du Haut Congo; subsequently renamed Association Internationale du Congo) in November 1878 in order to facilitate European trade along the Congo River in the heart of Africa.
Under the committee's direction, Stanley set up stations in the upper Congo and initiated talks with the local leaders between 1879 and 1882. The Association Internationale du Congo claimed the right to rule all the land in question as an independent state by 1884 after signing treaties with 450 separate African organizations.
The Berlin Conference (1884–85), which established the guidelines for colonial conquest and authorized Leopold's authority over the Congo River basin region to be called as the Congo Free State (1885–1908), was made possible by his thinly disguised imperial aspirations. Leopold established a coercive tool of colonial hegemony with the help of a private mandate from the international community of the time and under the pretense of his African International Association's humanitarian mission to abolish slavery and provide the Congolese with religion and the advantages of modern life.
The immense suffering and horrors inflicted upon the Congolese people under Leopold's "civilizing mission" are closely associated with the moniker Congo Free State. Stanley asserted that the Congo is worthless without the railroad. However, the railroad could not be constructed without the use of forced labor, the enormous concessions offered to private European firms would not be profitable, and the eastern African resistance could not be subdued without the large-scale enlistment of indigenous troops. Leopold turned his fledgling administrative structure into a machine that was intended to collect as much natural resource as possible from the land and as much labor as possible from the populace due to the harsh logic of the revenue imperative. Leopold's operatives used tactics including kidnapping Congolese men's families and forcing them to fulfill frequently unattainable work requirements in order to obtain the manpower required to achieve his objectives. Leopold's private army, the Force Publique, was composed of African soldiers under the command of European officers. They massacred the families of rebels and set fire to the villages when they attempted to rebel. In order to further intimidate the Congolese into submission, the Force Publique forces also had a reputation for amputating Congolese hands, particularly those of children.
The Belgian Parliament voted in 1908 to annex the Congo Free State, effectively buying the territory from King Leopold and bringing what had once been the king's personal holding under Belgian control, in response to harsh international criticism brought on by exposés by American author Mark Twain, English journalist E.D. Morel, and several missionaries. However, the Congo Free State's damaging effects persisted long beyond its short existence. In addition to making, it more difficult to develop a workable administrative structure, the extensive social unrest also left a legacy of anti-Western attitude that later nationalist generations were able to build upon.
Two traits of Leopoldian rule were evident in the paternalistic inclinations of Belgian colonial power: a strong commitment to political control and coercion and an intrinsic propensity to treat Africans like children. Despite the removal of the Congo Free State's more violent elements, Belgian governance was noticeably resistant to political change. Belgian policies essentially excluded programs intended to promote political experience and responsibility by prioritizing the instillation of Western moral values over political education and apprenticeship for social duty.
Africans were not given a taste of democracy until 1957, when a significant reform to local governance was introduced, known as the statut des villes ["statute of the cities"). By that time, a group of Westernized Africans known as "évolués" had emerged, ready to use their political rights outside of metropolitan settings. A climate of social unrest that was conducive to the growth of nationalist sentiment and activity was also produced by the extreme demands placed on the rural masses during the two world wars, as well as the profound psychological effects of postwar constitutional reforms implemented in nearby French-speaking territories.
The Congolese people's political awakening was sparked by the 1956 release of a manifesto demanding rapid independence. The manifesto, which was written by a group of Bakongo évolués who were members of the Alliance des Bakongo (ABAKO), an organization with its headquarters in Léopoldville (now Kinshasa), was ABAKOent today, rather than delaying emancipat's response to the concepts presented in the "Thirty-Year Plan for the Political Emancipation of Belgian Africa" by A.A.J. van Bilsen, a young Belgian professor of colonial legislation. The ABAKO manifesto, which was even more impatient than its catalyst, declared: "We should be granted self-governmion for another thirty years."
As a vehicle of anticolonial resistance, ABAKO changed under Joseph Kasavubu's leadership. The lower Congo region became the epicenter of nationalist enthusiasm, which eventually expanded to the remainder of the colony. Almost immediately, self-styled nationalist movements arose in each province. The Congolese National Movement (Mouvement National Congolais; MNC) was the most potent movement for Congolese nationalism among the plethora of political groups created under the statut des villes. Unlike ABAKO, which only appealed to Bakongo elements, the MNC never renounced its dedication to national unity. In 1958, the party entered a militant phase when Patrice Lumumba, a prominent orator and pan-Africanist and MNC cofounder, arrived in Léopoldville.
When anti-European rioting broke out in Léopoldville on January 4, 1959, and numerous Africans were killed by the security forces, it marked a watershed in the decolonization process. The Belgian government officially acknowledged independence on January 13 as the ultimate objective of its policies, one that must be accomplished "without fatal procrastination, yet without fatal haste." However, at that time, nationalist agitation had intensified to the point where the colonial government could hardly control the situation.
In response to this increasing unrest, the Belgian government held a Round Table Conference in January 1960 in Brussels, inviting a wide range of nationalist groups. An experiment in immediate decolonization was the outcome of the attempt to determine the prerequisites for a successful transfer of power. After technically gaining independence six months later on June 30, the Congo swiftly plunged into anarchy.
The situation in Congo
The army's (the Force Publique) July 5 mutiny in Léopoldville and the subsequent Belgian paratroopers' intervention, purportedly to save Belgian lives, were the catalysts for the "Congo crisis."
Confusion was exacerbated by a constitutional deadlock that halted the Congolese government and set the new nation's president and prime minister against one another. Lumumba's MNC party defeated Kasavubu's ABAKO and its supporters in the country's first national elections, but neither party was able to come together to create a parliamentary coalition. Lumumba and Kasavubu established an uncomfortable alliance as a compromise, with Lumumba serving as premier and Kasavubu as president. But Lumumba replied by firing Kasavubu when Kasavubu stripped him of his duties on September 5. Two parties now claimed to be the legitimate central authority as a result of the disagreement.
On July 11, Katanga, the wealthiest province in the nation, proclaimed its independence under Moise Tshombe's leadership. Lumumba's assertions that Brussels was attempting to reimpose its power were given credence by Belgium's backing of the Katanga secession, and on July 12, he and Kasavubu made a request to UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld for UN security assistance. The UN peacekeeping force was supposed to clear the path for the return of peace and order, but instead it exacerbated tensions between Prime Minister Lumumba and President Kasavubu. When Lumumba insisted that the UN should use force if necessary to return Katanga to the central government's control, Kasavubu vehemently disagreed. Lumumba then requested logistical support from the Soviet Union in order to deploy troops to Katanga. In the framework of the Cold War, the Congo situation was then inexorably linked to East-West hostilities.
At the height of the Katanga secession-induced fragmentation process, which resulted in the country's division into four distinct parts (Katanga, Kasai, Orientale province, and Léopoldville), Army Chief of Staff Joseph Mobutu (later Mobutu Sese Seko) staged a coup d'état and declared on September 14, 1960, that the army would now govern with the assistance of a provisional government. The capture of Lumumba in December 1960 following a spectacular escape from Léopoldville the month before (see Patrice Lumumba) and his subsequent murder by the Tshombe government significantly reduced the threat posed to the new rule by the forces loyal to Lumumba. In order to facilitate the province's reunification, Kasavubu had Lumumba arrested and turned over to the Katanga secessionists. However, the secession was not effectively put down until January 1963, following a bloody battle between the UN forces and the Katanga gendarmerie, which had been trained in Europe. On September 7, 1964, the pro-Lumumba government in Stanleyville (Kisangani) declared a large portion of eastern Congo to be the People's Republic of the Congo, sparking another secession challenge that was put down the following year. Meanwhile, on August 2, 1961, a new civilian government led by Cyrille Adoula took control after the parliament met in Léopoldville.
Adoula's reputation was severely damaged by his incapacity to handle the Katanga breakaway and his decision to dismiss the parliament in September 1963. In addition to increasing the likelihood of a complete collapse of the central government, the dissolution of the parliament was a direct cause of the rural insurgencies that swept through five of the twenty-one provinces between January and August 1964. However, due to its disjointed sources of support and inadequate leadership, the insurgency was unable to effectively convert its early military victories into political power.
European mercenaries' decisive action, which assisted the central authority in regaining control over rebel-held territories, was even more crucial in turning the tide against the insurgents. Tshombe, who succeeded Adoula as prime minister on July 10, 1964, deserves a large portion of the responsibility for the government's continued existence. Ironically, Tshombe, the most outspoken proponent of secession, had become the providential leader of a central government under siege a year and a half after losing to UN forces.
The government of Mobutu
The events leading up to Mobutu's second coup, which took place on November 24, 1965, were remarkably similar to those that precipitated the first: a power struggle between Kasavubu, the incumbent president, and Tshombe, his prime minister. Kasavubu and Tshombe were overthrown by Mobutu's coup, and Mobutu went on to become president. But unlike Lumumba, Tshombe was able to escape the nation unscathed and was resolved to take back control. In July 1966, some 2,000 of Tshombe's former Katanga gendarmes, commanded by mercenaries, rebelled in Kisangani, solidifying rumors that the expelled prime minister was planning a return from exile in Spain.
The news that Tshombe's plane had been seized over the Mediterranean and forced to land in Algiers, where he was held captive and subsequently died of a heart attack, reportedly sparked a second mutiny in Kisangani exactly one year after the first one was put down. Up until November 1967, when the mercenaries crossed the border into Rwanda and turned themselves in to the local authorities, the mutineers, led by a Belgian settler named Jean Schramme and consisting of roughly 1,000 Katangese and 100 former Katanga gendarmes, resisted the 32,000-man Congolese National Army (Armée Nationale Congolaise; ANC). Despite efforts by the Belgian authorities to have Schramme extradited, he eventually appeared in Brazil and stayed there.
For the next few years, the nation found some measure of political stability, which freed Mobutu to concentrate on his failed plans for economic development. As part of his "authenticity" campaign, which aimed to highlight the nation's cultural identity, Mobutu renamed the nation Zaire in 1971. Mobutu's MPR, the only political party in power from 1970 to 1990, was officially referred to as "the nation politically organized," although it would be more accurate to characterize it as a poorly explained patronage system. Mobutu made an attempt to promote Zairian "authenticity," but this accomplished little to elevate the idea or the style of leadership it represented. Mobutu's reign was founded on personal allegiance between himself and his entourage, which was appropriate given his main persona.
The Congolese National Liberation Front (Front de la Libération Nationale Congolaise; FLNC), the country's principal opposition movement, launched two significant invasions into Shaba (known as Katanga from 1972 to 1997) in 1977 and 1978, exposing the weakness of Mobutu's power base. The FLNC was based in Angola. Both times, friendly governments' external intervention—mainly from Morocco in 1977 and France in 1978—saved the day, but at the expense of numerous European and African fatalities. An estimated 100 Europeans were killed by the rebels and the ANC shortly after the FLNC took control of Kolwezi, an urban center, in May 1978.
In addition to the FLNC's leadership of the invasions, the rapid decline of the Zairian economy following 1975 and the escalation of anti-Mobutu sentiment among the unemployed and impoverished were major contributors to the invasions of Shaba's near-success. The first Shaba invasion occurred exactly eleven years after the Popular Movement of the Revolution (Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution; MPR) was established in 1966. This highlighted the limitations of the one-party state as a means of fostering national unity and of "Mobutism" as a philosophy used to justify Mobutu's rule.
The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s brought about a significant change in the situation. Former backers on the global stage, like the US, France, and Belgium, advocated for democratic reforms; some even publicly backed Mobutu's opponents. Mobutu did decide in April 1990 to remove the prohibition on opposition groups, but in May he brutally suppressed student protests at the University of Lubumbashi, killing between 50 and 150 students, according to Amnesty International. French financial assistance to the nation was broken off in 1991, American officials chastised Mobutu in front of the US Congress, and the World Bank severed its connections with Mobutu when he embezzled $400 million from the state mining company Gécamines.
The High Council of the Republic (Haut Conseil de la République; HCR), a coalition group tasked with directing the nation's transition to a multiparty democracy, was formed in 1991 as a result of Mobutu's reluctant decision to cede some of his authority. Étienne Tshisekedi was chosen as prime minister by the HCR. As early as 1980, Tshisekedi, an ethnic Luba from the diamond-rich Kasaï-Oriental province, was seen as a dissident after he and a few other lawmakers accused the army of killing some 300 diamond miners. The resurgence of Tshisekedi's popularity demonstrated the crucial significance that natural resources still play in national politics.
In the meantime, Mobutu used deceit to set up factions inside the HCR against one another because he opposed Tshisekedi's assumption to power. By granting armed groups the authority to pillage entire sections of the nation as well as certain economic sectors, he also guaranteed their support. These actions ultimately brought the dictatorship back to life and damaged Tshisekedi. After Mobutu and the opposition came to a deal, Kengo wa Dondo was appointed prime minister in 1994. Although Mobutu accepted the government reforms outlined in the Transitional Constitutional Act (1994), the promised elections and actual reforms never materialized.
The 1993–1994 Rwandan crisis, which was caused by long-standing hostilities between the Hutu and Tutsi, the country's two main ethnic groups, and the subsequent genocide, which claimed the lives of over 800,000 civilians, mostly Tutsis, gave Mobutu the chance to patch things up with the Western powers. Mobutu provided military and logistical assistance to the French and Belgian troops that stepped in to help the Hutu-led Rwandan government when the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a Tutsi-led Rwandan exile group, invaded Rwanda in late 1993. The United States and Belgium eventually reopened diplomatic ties with Mobutu as a result of this action, which also restored ties with France. External backing was further reinforced by business partnerships that guaranteed foreign companies’ preferential access to the nation's resources and state corporations.
Congo's first war (1996–1997)
Up to two million Rwandans fled to eastern Zaire as a result of the events in Rwanda. Some were Hutu radicals, including some genocide murderers, who launched attacks in Rwanda from Zaire. Additionally, they clashed with other groups, intensifying already-existing tensions in the eastern Congo. Some local ethnic militias, known as Mai-Mai (also Mayi-Mayi), had formed for self-defense during the unrest. In addition, Mobutu had supported attacks on Zairians in the country's east who were of Rwandan Tutsi descent. One of the strategies that finally planted the seeds of his demise was this one.
Thus, local Tutsis and the Rwandan government joined forces with Mobutu's opponent Laurent Kabila and his Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo-Zaïre; AFDL) as a result of the attacks and Mobutu's backing of Rwandan Hutu extremists in Zaire who opposed the Rwandan government. Because Mobutu had aided rebel movements in Angola and Uganda, the governments of those nations also backed Kabila's opposition troops. The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola [UNITA] rebels and Mobutu's cronies had been involved in diamond trafficking. Additionally, Mobutu had permitted the use of a Zairian airfield to deliver supplies for Ugandan insurgents.
While Mobutu was receiving cancer treatment overseas in October 1996, Kabila and his allies launched an operation from bases in the east and took control of the cities of Bukavu and Goma, which are located on the bank of Lake Kivu close to the Rwandan border. Mobutu did not succeed in stabilizing the situation when he returned to the nation in December. As the rebels persisted in their assault, Kisangani fell on March 15, 1997, and Mbuji-Mayi and Lubumbashi followed in early April. Early May talks between Mobutu and Kabila, supported by South Africa, swiftly broke down, and on May 17, 1997, the AFDL's triumphant forces took control of the capital. Mobutu had already left by this point. A few months later, he passed away in exile.
The Democratic Republic of Congo
Kabila took over as president after Mobutu left office and reverted the nation to its former name, the Democratic Republic of the Congo. At first, Kabila was successful in luring in foreign assistance and bringing some stability and relief to the nation's shattered economy. He also started the process of creating a new constitution. Kabila controlled the majority of the authority and did not accept criticism or dissent, thus the illusion of progress toward democracy was at odds with the actual situation. Almost immediately after Kabila took power, his government was accused of violating human rights, and political parties and public protests were outlawed.
The Congo’s Second war 1998-2023
A rebellion in the country's eastern provinces, backed by some of his erstwhile allies, afflicted the new leader himself in August 1998. A destructive five-year civil war that attracted other nations began with the uprising. With support from the governments of Rwanda and Uganda, the rebels took control of around one-third of the nation by the end of 1998. The governments of Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Angola backed Kabila's administration in its conflict with the rebels.
In order to put an end to the fighting, the 1999 Lusaka Peace Accord included provisions for a ceasefire and the deployment of UN peacekeeping forces (United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo; MONUC). Even though the majority of the parties to the conflict eventually accepted the agreement, violence persisted because it was not fully executed. In the meantime, violence broke out in the Ituri district in the country's east due to long-standing ethnic conflicts between the Hema and Lendu peoples. In a territory already enmeshed in a civil war, this was made much more problematic by the presence of rebels as well as other political and economic considerations. The eastern provinces' rich mineral reserves, which included gold, diamonds, columbite-tantalite (coltan), and wolframite (a source of tungsten), were one economic reason. Through illegal use of those resources, the numerous armed organizations and the warring nations made money.
January 2001 saw the assassination of Kabila. Joseph, his son, succeeded him and vowed right away to put an end to the conflict peacefully. A UN-proposed pull-out plan was agreed to by the rebels and the governments of Rwanda and Uganda shortly after Joseph Kabila came to power, but it was never completely implemented. Ultimately, a deal struck in Pretoria, South Africa, in December 2002 called for the end of the war, the creation of a power-sharing transitional government, and the fusion of the militias into a single, new national army. This deal was approved in April 2003. In July, an interim government led by Kabila was sworn in, and a transitional constitution was also adopted that month. The process of incorporating fighters from different Mai-Mai militias and other rebel groups into the new Congolese army started with the creation of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo; FARDC). The country was still occupied by UN peacekeeping forces.
Joseph Kabila's Congo
The nation was in ruins even though the civil war was officially concluded. Over three million people were thought to have died, and those who survived had to contend with malnutrition, illness, and homelessness. The economy was in ruins, the social infrastructure had been devastated, and the new administration was insecure. Kabila started the process of rebuilding the nation and made significant strides toward economic reform with the help of foreign aid.
However, he had to deal with ongoing warfare in the east and two failed coup attempts in 2004, which prevented his government from exerting any meaningful control over a large portion of the country. In 2006, however, a new legal constitution was enacted, and Kabila won the presidential election later that year.
Mai-Mai (Mayi-Mayi) militias and other factions were still engaged in combat in the country's east. The National Congress for the Defense of the People (Congress National de Défense du Peuple; CNDP), an armed organization founded in 2006 by Congolese Tutsi soldiers who had refused to join the FARDC, was one of the parties involved. The CNDP rebels, under the leadership of Gen. Laurent Nkunda, asserted that they had enlisted to defend the local minority groups, mainly the Banyamulenge, Congolese Tutsis with Rwandan ancestry, from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda; FDLR), a Hutu militia that included some of the main perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
The government and more than 20 rebel factions, including the CNDP, signed a peace deal in January 2008 with the goal of putting an end to the war in the country's east. Later that year, tens of thousands of locals and foreign aid workers were forced to flee their homes as CNDP rebels and other organizations resumed their attacks, shattering the tenuous peace. Together, Rwandan and Congolese forces began an operation against rebel groups in the east in January 2009. They compelled Nkunda to cross the border into Rwanda, where the Congolese government detained him and charged him with war crimes. On March 23, the Congolese government and the CNDP, now led by Bosco Ntaganda, struck a peace deal; other parties followed suit.
A number of militant organizations in the east were granted amnesty in May as part of additional attempts to halt the ongoing war there. However, the ongoing fighting in the east clouded the country's 2010 50th anniversary of independence celebrations. In the same year, the United Nations Organization Stabilization operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) took over the UN's MONUC operation.
In November 2011, the nation held elections for both the presidency and the legislature. Kabila and former prime minister Étienne Tshisekedi were the front-runners among the eleven contenders for the presidency. Many believed that Kabila's chances of winning reelection were increased by a January 2011 constitutional modification that removed the second round of voting in the presidential election, opening the door for a candidate to win without the support of the majority of voters. Elections were held on November 28 as planned, despite issues getting electoral supplies to the nation's numerous outlying polling places.
The presidential vote tabulation was supposed to be finished in a week, but it took a little longer because of the same logistical issues that had made the distribution of electoral supplies difficult. In contrast, the parliamentary results were expected to be counted over a period of weeks. The provisional results were released after two brief delays, and Kabila was proclaimed the winner with 49 percent of the vote, followed by Tshisekedi with 32 percent. Several international monitoring agencies described the polls as poorly managed and pointed out several irregularities, but the Supreme Court later certified the results.
Three days after Kabila's formal inauguration, on December 23, Tshisekedi took the oath of office as president after his party rejected the results and he proclaimed himself the legitimate president of Congo. It also took longer than anticipated to count the results of the parliamentary election. Results announced in late January and early February 2012 indicated that no single party had secured a majority and that over 100 parties would be represented in the National Assembly. Kabila's party and its supporters, however, had secured just over half of the 500 seats.
Meanwhile, as several militias fought for control of land and mineral resources, fighting raged on throughout the country's east, especially in the provinces of Ituri, North Kivu, and South Kivu. When the March 23 Movement (M23), a new organization made up of former CNDP militants who had joined the FARDC, emerged in 2012, the conflict grew more intense. Along with Sultani Makenga, another CNDP veteran in the FARDC, Ntaganda encouraged hundreds of people to mutiny, citing complaints with the 2009 agreement's implementation.
In November 2012, M23 briefly occupied Goma, the provincial capital, after gaining significant territory in North Kivu with assistance from Rwanda and, to a lesser extent, Uganda (although both nations denied it). However, internal conflict between Ntaganda and Makenga, repeated military setbacks by the combined FARDC and UN forces, and the pressured withdrawal of Rwanda's backing had all contributed to the group's decline by late 2013. M23 declared in November that it was putting an end to its insurgency, and before the end of the year, it had a deal with the Congolese government.
As early as 2013, there were concerns that Kabila would find a way to prolong his rule, either by amending the constitution or by finding a reason to delay the next presidential election. These concerns were stoked by the fact that Kabila's term as president was set to end at the end of 2016. In order to prepare for the upcoming elections, Kabila's government suggested a number of measures in 2015. These included a census, a reorganization of the nation's administrative divisions (which would more than double the number of provinces), and an overhaul of the voter registry, which would take more than a year to finish. Many believed that by delaying the polls, Kabila's tenure would be prolonged by a number of years.
The Constitutional Court said in May 2016 that Kabila may stay in power until a replacement was chosen if the elections were postponed, which further fueled fears that he would not resign as planned. The opposition was incensed when the electoral commission formally asked the Constitutional Court in September to grant a postponement of the 2016 presidential election, and the court granted the request the following month. But on December 31, a difficult compromise agreement approved by the administration and most opposition parties seemed to prevent a crisis. One of its clauses allowed Kabila to continue as president in exchange for a transitional administration led by an opposition-selected prime minister until a new president could be chosen in 2017.
The presidential election, which was ultimately set for December 23, 2018, together with legislative, provincial, and local elections, did not go as planned, much to the dismay of many. A spokeswoman for Kabila confirmed in August 2018 that Kabila would not run for president. Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, a former province governor and government minister, will be the candidate of the ruling party, the People's Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD). Shadary was one of 21 candidates for president who were approved.
Notable opposition figures Jean-Pierre Bemba and Moïse Katumbi were excluded from that group because they were unable to register as candidates by the deadline because Bemba had been disqualified by the electoral commission due to charges from the International Criminal Court and Katumbi had been barred from returning to the country after a period of absence. Despite the fact that the opposition parties first banded together to endorse Martin Fayulu as their candidate, Félix Tshisekedi, the son of seasoned opposition leader Étienne Tshisekedi, who passed away in 2017, withdrew his support from Fayulu and campaigned for office himself after receiving protests from his fans. Vital Kamerhe, another well-liked opposition leader, followed suit.
The violence committed by security personnel at political rallies and the governor of Kinshasa's decision to forbid campaign gatherings in the city just days before the scheduled polls are two examples of how tensions escalated in the lead-up to the elections. In Kinshasa, a bastion for the opposition, a suspicious fire damaged thousands of voting machines and other electoral materials ten days before the polls were scheduled to take place. In light of this, there were worries that the nation could not have free, fair, and peaceful elections.
In fact, the electoral commission said that it could not hold the elections as planned and was therefore delaying them till December 30 just three days prior to the original election date. Shortly after, the election commission declared that voting would be delayed until March in and around three opposition-held cities: Beni, Butembo, and Yumba. The postponement was attributed to regional instability and an Ebola virus outbreak. The postponement essentially eliminated the votes of the electorate in those places, which accounted for around 3 percent of all registered voters, since the next president was supposed to be installed in January.
The rest of the country did have elections on December 30. Voter intimidation, polling station delays, and the denial of monitors access to polling stations and, later, vote-counting centers were among the grievances raised with regard to the voting process, despite the fact that the day was generally peaceful. With almost 38 percent of the vote, Tshisekedi was declared the winner when the results were revealed on January 10. Fayulu and Shadary came in second and third, respectively, with nearly 35 and nearly 24 percent of the vote.
However, a preelection poll and the findings of an election monitoring committee run by the National Episcopal Conference of Congo (CENCO), an organization representing Catholic bishops in the country, both put Fayulu comfortably in the lead. According to Fayulu and others, Tshisekedi and Kabila had struck a contract wherein Tshisekedi would win the election in return for defending Kabila and his allies' interests. Tshisekedi and Kabila's representatives refuted the charge.
Fayulu filed a lawsuit with the Constitutional Court over the outcomes. Both the CENCO-compiled results and a wealth of leaked electoral data, which indicated he received almost 60% of the vote, supported his claim. However, Tshisekedi was sworn in as president on January 24, 2019, when the court confirmed his victory. Even with persistent doubts regarding the validity of the election results, the day was noteworthy because Tshisekedi's inauguration marked the first peaceful handover of power in Congo since the nation's independence in 1960.
In the December 2018 parliamentary elections, Kabila's coalition secured roughly two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly, while Fayulu's coalition secured over one-fifth, and Tshisekedi's coalition secured only a small portion of that total. After months of discussions, Tshisekedi was forced to form a coalition government with Kabila in light of those results. The new administration was announced in August 2019 and most cabinet positions were given to Kabila's coalition members.
Although Tshisekedi's administration was successful in implementing free primary education in 2019, his capacity to carry out other policy objectives was hindered by the precarious power-sharing arrangement. Kabila's supporters loudly objected to his declaration in December 2020 that he intended to dissolve the coalition and form a new one, even if it was not entirely unexpected. In any case, Tshisekedi worked to establish the Sacred Union of the Nation as a new alliance. Tshisekedi unveiled his new government in April 2021 after steadily winning over most members of the National Assembly, including former Kabila loyalists. The new government promised to tackle a number of problems, such as the economy, electoral reform, and the persistent instability in the country's east.
Tshisekedi acted more forcefully after gaining a legislative majority and a new administration. In an effort to stop the fighting, he imposed a "state of siege" in two of the war-torn eastern provinces in May 2021, replacing civilian leaders with military ones. An measure that Tshisekedi signed into law in July altered the electoral commission's constituency by increasing the number of seats allocated to civil society representatives, the opposition, and the ruling coalition. Since appointments were made to the electoral commission, the statute, which was intended to increase the commission's impartiality, was attacked for actually having the opposite effect.
The commission seems to be heavily influenced by members of the ruling coalition. Tshisekedi started a program in 2023 that provided free medical treatment for expectant mothers, including free birth at public hospitals. One of the first initiatives he took to achieve his goal of universal health care was this program.
The fighting in the east, however, had only become worse. The M23 rebels re-emerged in late 2021, joining the armed factions already present in the area. The gang intensified its attacks the following year, fighting against civilians and FARDC and MONUSCO troops as it took over new area.
In order to assist the FARDC and MONUSCO in fighting the insurgency and defending people, the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community both sent out regional forces in 2022–2023 and 2023–. The FDLR joined the struggle against M23, as did local militias, some of whom fought as part of a loose alliance known as Wazalendo. Tshisekedi also employed mercenaries to assist put an end to the disturbances. The FARDC was accused of working with the FDLR, a group that Rwanda has long regarded as a threat to its own security, and Rwanda was once more accused of supporting the M23 rebels, which it has denied.
On December 20, 2023, the Democratic Republic of Congo had its next elections, which included local, provincial, legislative, and presidential elections. The run-up to the election was tense. Concerns regarding the effectiveness of the electoral commission's preparations, as well as the ongoing fighting in the east, were raised because they could raise questions about the validity of the election's outcomes. In addition, the Congo River Alliance (Alliance Fleuve Congo; AFC), a new group hostile to Tshisekedi's rule, was established in December. Corneille Nangaa, the former head of the nation's electoral commission from 2015 to 21 and current leader of the AFC, declared that the organization's objectives were to remove Tshisekedi, rebuild the nation, and bring peace. M23 was a prominent member of the AFC, which was open to people, civil society organizations, military groups, and political parties. Additionally, Congolese diaspora residents were eligible to vote for the first time from specific overseas locations during the December elections.
Fayulu, Katumbi, and Nobel laureate Denis Mukwege, a Congolese doctor known for his work healing victims of sexual violence, were among the numerous contenders lining up to run against Tshisekedi for the president. Nonetheless, a few opposition groups decided to once more unite behind Katumbi as their candidate. In many places, voting was postponed by one or more days due to logistical issues. Many voters in insecure areas were unable to cast ballots, including over a million residents of North Kivu who resided in areas under M23 control, which prevented election officials from registering eligible voters. Several opposition candidates accused the election of being rigged, and both foreign and internal observers pointed out issues with the process.
With 73 percent of the vote, Tshisekedi was declared the winner of the presidential election by the electoral commission. Katumbi, who reportedly earned 18 percent of the vote, came in second. Most opposition groups did not bother to legally dispute the results because they questioned the independence of the institutions that would be engaged in hearing the challenges, even though it was not surprise that many of them rejected the results and demanded that they be annulled. The elections were described as a "electoral catastrophe" by CENCO, which once more had election observers spread out over the nation (in cooperation with the Church of Christ in Congo).
Despite acknowledging that there had been some errors, the electoral commission and the Constitutional Court maintained that the problems would not have changed the outcome of the presidential election. A few candidates in other contests were, nevertheless, disqualified by the electoral commission for engaging in unlawful and fraudulent behavior. On January 20, 2024, Tshisekedi was sworn in for a second term.
Over nine-tenths of the seats in the National Assembly were gained by Tshisekedi's Sacred Union alliance in the parliamentary elections. It took Tshisekedi several months to get an agreement on the future government's makeup because of the sheer number of parties in his coalition. On May 29, the administration was eventually revealed, with Judith Suminwa Tuluka serving as prime minister.
She was the first woman in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to occupy that position, having been appointed on April 1. On June 12, the new administration took office.
Instability persisted in the eastern scenario. The M23 rebels were the biggest threat among the more than 100 armed organizations engaged in combat. Numerous war crimes and human rights abuses committed by M23 and other factions were documented against the backdrop of the ongoing conflict. M23 significantly increased the area it controlled in 2024, and in April it seized control of the rich Rubaya mining area, which is one of the biggest suppliers of coltan worldwide and a major source of revenue for the rebels. In 2024, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees reported that 7.2 million people had been displaced and that a humanitarian crisis was still continuing on as a result of the growing conflict in the country's east.
The land
Congo shares borders with South Sudan and the Central African Republic to the north; Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanzania to the east; Zambia to the southeast; and Angola to the southwest. The Angolan exclave of Cabinda, Congo (Brazzaville), and the nation's brief Atlantic coastline are located to the west.
Relief
A huge river basin, a large valley, high plateaus, three mountain ranges, and a low coastal plain are among the nation's most notable topographical features. The middle Congo basin, a huge, undulating plain with an average elevation of roughly 1,700 feet (520 meters) above sea level, makes up the majority of the nation. Lake Mai-Ndombe (previously Lake Leopold II) has the lowest elevation at 1,109 feet (338 meters), while the northern hills of Mobayi-Mbongo and Zongo have the highest elevation at 2,296 feet (700 meters). Lakes Tumba and Mai-Ndombe in the west-central region are the only remnants of the basin's possible past as an inland sea.
Lakes Albert, Edward, Kivu, Tanganyika, and Mweru are part of the country's eastern border, which is formed by the north-south Western Rift Valley, the western branch of the East African Rift System. With its impressive mountain range, this region is the highest and roughest in the nation. The Mitumba Mountains, which reach a height of 9,800 feet (2,990 meters), are located along the Western Rift Valley. Between Lakes Albert and Edward, the snow-capped peaks of the Ruwenzori Range from the Ugandan boundary. Margherita Peak, at 16,763 feet (5,109 meters), is the highest point in the nation. North of Lake Kivu, the Western Rift Valley is traversed by the volcanic Virunga Mountains.
Nearly every other side of the core basin is bounded by high plateaus. The Congo and Nile River basins are separated in the north by the Ubangi-Uele plateaus. These plateaus, which rise to a height of 3,000 to 4,000 feet (915 to 1,220 meters), also divide the Lake Chad system's enormous lowlands from the core basin. The lower terraces of the Lulua and Lunda River valleys mark the beginning of the plateaus in the south, which progressively increase toward the east. The ridges of the Katanga (Shaba) province's plateaus, which include Kunde lungu at 5,250 feet (1,600 meters), Mitumba at 4,920 feet (1,500 meters), and Hakansson at 3,610 feet (1,100 meters), rise over the area in the southeast. The Manika Plateau, the Kibara and Bia mountains, and the high plains of Marungu are all part of the Katanga plateaus, which extend north as far as the Lukuga River.
In the southwest, the Angola Plateau's northern escarpment rises, and in the far west, a coastal plateau zone comprises the Cristal Mountains and the Mayumbe hill area. Between the Atlantic Ocean and the Cristal Mountains is a slender coastal plain.
DRANAGE AND SOILS
The Congo's primary drainage system is the Congo River and its 1,336,000-square-mile (3,460,000-square-kilometer) basin. The river begins on the high Katanga plateaus and makes two trips across the Equator as it travels north and then south in a huge arc. Below Matadi, the lower river empties into the Atlantic Ocean in a southwesterly direction. The Congo is nourished by the waters of numerous lakes and tributaries as it flows through wetlands and alluvial areas. Mai-Ndombe and Tumba are the two most significant lakes; the Lomami, Aruwimi, and Ubangi rivers, as well as those of the vast Kasai River system, are the main tributaries. The basin is also connected to the Western Rift Valley by the Lukuga River.
The two types of soils are those found in equatorial regions and the drier savanna (grassland) regions. The warm, humid lowlands of the central basin, which are mostly covered in dense forests and receive a lot of precipitation all year round, are home to equatorial soils. Due to the absence of erosion in the forests, this soil is essentially locked in place. Humus, the organic substance produced by the breakdown of plant or animal materials, continuously feeds the extremely thick soil in swampy locations. Rich and productive alluvial soils can be found in river valleys, but erosion threatens savanna soils. Rich soil from volcanic lava partially covers the mountains of the Great Lakes region in eastern Congo. This is the most productive agricultural region in the nation.
Climate
The majority of Congo is located within the equatorial, or inner humid tropical, climate zone, which extends five degrees north and south of the equator. The subequatorial climates in the extreme north and southern Congo are a little dryer.
One important factor influencing the climate is the intertropical convergence zone (ITCZ), which is seasonally movable. Unstable tropical air is forced upward along this zone by the meeting of the trade winds from the Northern and Southern hemispheres. After cooling the air that is propelled upward, condensation forms, which leads to heavy and protracted precipitation. This region experiences the most precipitation in July and August in the north, before moving into the central Congo in September and October. The southern regions of the nation experience the most precipitation from November to February. There are two rainfall maxima in this zone once the ITCZ shifts northward once more, passing into central Congo in March and April. Only the southeastern trade winds have an impact on the far eastern highlands, which are outside the ITCZ's route. Apart from the ITCZ, other climatic divergence variables include elevation and closeness to the Atlantic Ocean and its maritime influences.
There are four main climate zones in the nation. The average monthly temperature in the equatorial climate zone is rarely lower than the mid-70s F (low to mid-20s C). It rains all year long, and the humidity is intense. For instance, Eala receives an average of 71 inches (1,800 mm) of precipitation annually. North and south of the equatorial region are the tropical or subequatorial climate zones, which are distinguished by separate dry and rainy seasons. The length of the dry season, which typically lasts from April to October, varies from four to seven months, primarily based on the distance from the equator. Every year, Kananga receives roughly 63 inches (1,600 mm) of precipitation. During the rainy season, there may be brief dry spells lasting a few weeks.
Only the west coast experiences the Atlantic climatic zone. The two main factors are the cold Benguela Current and the low height. Rainfall averages around 30 inches (760 mm) each year at Banana, and the average annual temperature is in the upper 70s F (mid-20s C). The high plateaus and mountains in the east have a mountain climate. For instance, the average annual temperature in Bukavu is in the mid-60s F (upper 10s C), while the average annual precipitation is roughly 52 inches (1,320 mm).
PLANTS AND ANIMAL LIFE
There are many different types of plants depending on the climate. The complex forest system known as the equatorial rainforest covers the center of the Congo basin. Trees grow to heights of 130 to 160 feet (40 to 50 meters), and there are many different kinds of vegetation. The tropical climate zone is characterized by grasslands and woods, whilst the coastal marshes and the mouth of the Congo are dominated by mangrove stands. Mountain forest, bamboo thickets, and Afro-Alpine vegetation can be found on the highest slopes, while grasslands characterize the eastern plateaus.
There are many natural trees and plants in the center basin. Timber from these includes mahogany, ebony, limba, wenge, agba, iroko, and sapele. Raffia and sisal are examples of fibrous vegetation. Along with copal, rubber, and palm trees, other plants used in traditional medicine include rauwolfia, an emetic and antihypertensive, and cinchona, the source of quinine. Grasslands, wetlands, and woodlands are home to a variety of wild edible crops and mushrooms. Timber and poles are made from imported eucalyptus trees, which are found in highland stands.
There is also a wealth and diversity of animal life. Gorillas inhabit the eastern slopes surrounding Lake Kivu, while chimpanzees are primarily found in the tropical forest. Although they are restricted to lowland rainforests on the south bank of the Congo River, bonobos are also found there. Forest and savanna woodlands are home to elephants, as well as a variety of monkey and baboon species; African forest elephants, a smaller and unique kind of elephant, are found only in forests.
Giant wild boars, short antelopes, and live okapi can be found in the northern primary forests of Uele, Aruwimi, and Ituri. The grasslands are home to lions and leopards, while the savanna woods and grasslands are home to black and white rhinoceroses, buffaloes, antelopes, jackals, hyenas, cheetahs, wildcats, wild dogs, and wild pigs. The northeastern plains are home to the majority of giraffes.
Whales, dolphins, and lungfish can be found close to the coast, and crocodiles and hippos are frequently found in the rivers and lakes. Numerous fish species, including capitaine from the Congo River and catfish, electric fish, eels, cichlids, and many more, are abundant in Congolese rivers, lakes, and swamps. Lake Tanganyika is home to jellyfish. Common reptiles include lizards, chameleons, salamanders, frogs, turtles, and a variety of snakes, including pythons, vipers, and tree cobras.
Pelicans, parrots, pigeons, ducks, geese, eagles, vultures, cuckoos, owls, cranes, storks, swallows, and several sunbird species are among the birdlife. There are countless insects. There are hundreds of different kinds of butterflies, and when the rains start, they fill the skies in the savanna forests. Bees, grasshoppers, caterpillars, praying mantises, beetles, dragonflies, scorpions, mosquitoes, tsetse flies, ants, termites, spiders, centipedes, and millipedes are among the many different kinds of insects.
The number of animals has decreased despite attempts to restrict hunting. The remaining species are protected by a number of wildlife preserves and national parks, the most of which are located in the eastern highlands. Among them are Garamba, which is close to the border with South Sudan; the Virunga Mountains, which are located north of Lake Edward; Maiko, which is located west of Lake Edward; Kahuzi-Biega, which is located north of Bukavu; Upemba, which is located north of the Manika Plateau; Salonga, which is located in the central Congo River basin; and Kundelungu, which is located northeast of Lubumbashi, close to the border with Zambia. UNESCO has designated some of these parks as World Heritage Sites: Garamba's vast grasslands and savannas are home to several significant animals, including as the critically endangered white rhinoceros;
The tropical forests of Kahuzi-Biega are renowned for their diverse fauna and for populations of endangered eastern lowland gorillas; Salonga, one of Africa's largest tropical rainforest reserves, is a crucial habitat for several endangered and endemic species; and the Virunga is notable for its variety of habitats, some of which include active volcanoes, and the exceptionally broad biodiversity that is protected there. In addition to this, the Okapi Wildlife Reserve has been designated as a World Heritage site and is home to a percentage of the endangered okapi that are still found in the wild.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo's citizens
Ethnic communities
Congo is home to more than 200 African ethnic groups, with the Bantu peoples making up the vast majority of the populace. Between the tenth and fourteenth centuries, they invaded the present-day Congo from both the west and the north, establishing kingdoms that were thriving until Europeans began to infiltrate the region in the sixteenth century. The Kongo, Teke (Bateke), Luba, Pende, Yaka, Lunda, Songe, Tetela, and Kuba peoples were the main kingdoms.
Today, the Mongo (located in the country's center), Kongo (located in the west), Luba (located in the south-central region), Lunda (located in the south), Bemba (located in the southeast), and Kasai (located in the southwest) are major cultural groupings. The Ngala, Buja, Bira, Kuumu, and Lega (Rega) are among the Bantu peoples of the north and northeast.
It is believed that the earliest people to live in the Congo basin were the Pygmies, who may have arrived during the Upper Paleolithic Period. territories around the Lualaba, Tshuapa, Sankuru, and Ubangi rivers, the woods of Kibali and Ituri, and the territories surrounding Lakes Kivu and Tanganyika are home to the last Pygmy groups, the Bambuti, the Twa, and the Babinga.
Other little populations of non-Bantu Africans exist. The Zande (Azande), Mangbetu, Banda, and Barambu (Abarambo) are among the Adamawa-Ubangi and Central Sudanic communities that have made their home in the north. The northeast is home to the Alur, Kakwa, Bari, Lugbara, and Logo, among other Nilotic peoples. The eastern lake region has long been home to Rwandan Tutsis.
The majority of the country's migrants are from European and Asian backgrounds, and they came to Congo in search of temporary work. Africans who are not Congolese make up the remainder migrant population.
Languages
In Congo, people speak more than 200 different languages. Four "national" languages—Swahili, Tshiluba (Kiluba), Lingala, and Kongo—have helped people communicate with each other. In addition to being the official language, French is also used for international communications, business, administration, and education. The four national languages are spoken on the radio and in local trade. Lingala is becoming more and more common; under Mobutu, it was the military's official language. It is also used in popular music in Kinshasa and along the lower Congo River.
Faith/Religion
The advent of Christianity in Congo has had a significant impact on traditional African religious beliefs in a supreme deity, the power of the ancestors, spirits of nature, and the effectiveness of magic. Roman Catholics make up the largest percentage of the relatively vast Christian population. Protestants and adherents of the local branch of the Church of Jesus Christ on Earth Through the Prophet Simon Kimbangu (Kimbanguist Church) are examples of other Christians. The remaining African population either practices Islam or holds onto traditional African beliefs. Both Muslims and Hindus are part of the international community.
Settlement patterns
The majority of Congo's areas have been inhabited for a long time. They eventually specialized in taking advantage of their natural surroundings. For example, hunting and fishing have historically been the primary occupations of forest peoples, such as the Bambuti (Pygmies) of the Ituri Forest, while agriculture has remained secondary or nonexistent. The people who live in the savanna woodlands mix farming with fishing and hunting. In some parts of the southern half of the country, people mine copper, iron ore, and other minerals in addition to raising small cattle and poultry. The people that live in the grasslands are nearly exclusively farmers. Agriculture and the rearing of huge cattle coexist in the eastern grasslands.
The majority of Congolese live in dispersed villages, making up almost half of the country's population. Both the general size of the communities and the kind of houses vary by region. In general, a hamlet is deemed small if it has 10 to 25 houses, and large if it has 150 to 200. The south-central savanna woods and, to a lesser degree, the coastal regions are the most populated areas, with the largest communities housing between 300 and 500 people. There are solitary farms and hamlets on the eastern grasslands.
Some administrative and commercial hubs, like Banana, Vivi, and Boma, have existed since the 16th century, when Europeans first arrived. However, the majority of settlements are relatively new. In addition to being a significant economic and industrial hub, Kinshasa—known as Léopoldville until 1966—is the official location of the country's judicial, administrative, and political institutions. It is also a hub for popular culture, fashion, and music. Kinshasa's explosive growth is typical of many of the nation's cities. By 1925, when it was officially designated as a ville (urban center), its population had increased to 28,000 from 5,000 in 1889. In just over a century, the city's population increased by about a thousandfold, from 250,000 in 1950 to 1,500,000 in 1971 to roughly 4,700,000 in the mid-1990s.
With the exception of Likasi, which is primarily an industrial and mining town, all of the other major cities are administrative or commercial hubs. The province of Kasaï-Occidental (Western Kasai) has Kananga as its capital. The administrative center of Katanga, Lubumbashi (originally Élisabethville), is the highly industrialized metropolis of the copper-mining region of the nation. The capital of Kasaï-Oriental (Eastern Kasai) province and the diamond center of Congo is Mbuji-Mayi. Orientale province's capital is Kisangani (previously Stanleyville), the last port of call for ships traveling down the Congo River from Kinshasa. The princ